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Witchcraft, Ghosts, and Alchemy: Throughout history, witchcraft, ghosts, and alchemy have captivated human imagination and fueled countless legends, stories, and myths. These intriguing and mysterious topics have been features of various cultures across the globe, each with their unique interpretations and beliefs. Witchcraft, often associated with women practicing magic, has been both feared and revered throughout history. In many cultures, witches were believed to possess supernatural abilities, allowing them to cast spells, fly on broomsticks, and communicate with spirits. These supposed witches were often blamed for misfortunes, illnesses, and other unexplained phenomena. However, witchcraft also holds a place in spirituality and healing practices, as some believe in the power of magic and energy manipulation.

However, witchcraft also holds a place in spirituality and healing practices, as some believe in the power of magic and energy manipulation. Ghosts, on the other hand, have long haunted the human psyche, inspiring fear and fascination. These disembodied spirits are believed to be the souls of deceased individuals who have not crossed over to the afterlife.

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S ometime during 1996, at the very latest, Latinos surpassed Blacks as the second largest ethno-racial group in New York City. (They long have been the largest census group in the Bronx.) There were no street celebrations in El Barrio or Washington Heights, nor did the mayor hold a press conference from the steps of Gracie Mansion. Indeed, most New Yorkers remain oblivious to this demographic watershed, which was first announced in an academic working paper. footnote 1 Yet it was an epochal event all the same: comparable to the numerical ascendancy of the Irish during the 1870s or the peaking of black migration to New York in the early 1960s. It also mirrors a decisive national trend. Salsa is becoming the predominant ethnic flavour—and rhythm—in other large metropolitan cores. In six of the ten biggest cities—New York, Los Angeles, Houston, San Diego, Phoenix, and

San Antonio, in that order—Latinos now outnumber Blacks; and in Los Angeles, Houston and San Antonio, non-Hispanic whites as well. Within five years, both Dallas and Fort Worth will have Spanish-surname pluralities, while in Chicago—Drake and Cayton’s paradigmatic ‘Black Metropolis’—the surging Latino population, although still only half of the size of the African-American community, now holds the balance of political power in most city elections. Philadelphia’s Latinos may be in distant third place, but they account for a majority of the city’s population influx since 1980. Only Detroit—with the most threadbare private-sector economy of any major central city—clearly bucks the trend. footnote 2 In the broader census of cities of 200,000 inhabitants and over, nearly two-fifths now have larger Latino than Black populations. Although urban centres where Latinos are in the majority, or are the largest minority, are concentrated in the south-western tier of states, Spanish-surname populations have also been growing in hothouse fashion in cities where there is a negligible historical Mexican or Spanish connection, such as Atlanta, Milwaukee, and Washington, dc. Another spectacular example is Las Vegas, the nation’s fastest growing metropolitan area throughout the 1990s. Thirty years ago, the desert glitterdome had hardly any Latino residents, and the casino industry relied upon a segregated Black population for its supply of poorly paid maids and janitors. Today, Latinos outnumber Blacks in both ‘back-of-the-house’ occupations and the general population. Extrapolating from current school-age demographics, Latinos will become the majority in the city of Las Vegas within a decade. footnote 3 This far-reaching ‘Latinization’ of large and medium-sized American central cities is being driven by a formidable demographic engine: a Spanish-surname population that is increasing by one million annually, or five times faster than the general population. footnote 5 While nativist hysteria has focused on supposedly ‘unrestricted’ immigration, the growth of the Latino population (32 million in 2000) is equally the consequence of higher fecundity in the context of larger, more successfully maintained two-parent families, especially amongst those of Mexican origin (two-thirds of all Latinos). Even if all immigration were terminated tomorrow, the dramatically younger Latino population (median age 26) would continue to increase rapidly at the statistical expense of ageing, non-Hispanic whites (median age 37). footnote 6 ‘Jose’, as a result, is now the most popular name for baby boys in both California and Texas, and Southern Californians are more likely to greet each other with ‘Que tal?’ than ‘Hey, dude’. footnote 7 More importantly, Spanish-surname children already account for a bigger share of the national school-age population than African-Americans, and are expected to displace Blacks as the largest minority some time in the year 2000—far ahead of earlier predictions. Indeed, the present demographic momentum will ensure that, by 2025, there will be 16 million more Latinos (59 million) than African-Americans (43 million). From then until the mid-century, according to the Bureau of the Census, Latinos will supply fully two-thirds of us population growth. Shortly after 2050, non-Hispanic whites will become a minority group. These are millennial transformations with truly millennial implications for us politics and culture. footnote 8 Latinos, moreover, have a striking preference for big cities that contrasts with the crabgrass prejudices of an overwhelmingly suburban nation. (Only Asian-Americans are more urbanized.) footnote 9 With the partial exception of Mexicans, who also invigorate small-town life from California—which had 72 Latino-majority cities in 1990 footnote 10 —to Iowa, all major Latino groups are heavily concentrated in the twenty

largest cities, with Los Angeles and New York alone accounting for almost one third of the national Spanish-surname population. Thus, Los Angeles can boast that it is the second largest Mexican, Salvadorean and Guatemalan city in the world, and, over the next generation, as its metropolitan Latino population grows in excess of nine million, will become the third largest Spanish-speaking city in the world after Mexico City and Buenos Aires. footnote 11 New York City, meanwhile, is the true capital of Puerto Rico and the second city of the Dominican Republic. Without this Latino population boom, most big American cities would be dramatically shrinking in the face of accelerated white flight and, since 1990, black out-migration. ‘The Greater Los Angeles and New York City metro areas’, the National Journal notes, ‘each suffered a net loss of more than one million domestic migrants from 1990-95’. Latinos, with help from Asian immigrants, compensated for this exodus to the edge cities. footnote 12 The stubbornly binary discourse of American public culture, however, has yet to register the historical significance of this ethnic transformation of the urban landscape. The living colour of the contemporary big city—dynamically Asian as well as Latino—is still viewed on an old-fashioned black-and-white screen. (This is almost literally true: a recent study found that only one out of every fifty characters on primetime us television is a Latino.) footnote 14 The 1992 Rodney King riots in Los Angeles County, for example, were universally interpreted as Black versus white, or Black versus Korean, despite the fact that a majority of arrested had Spanish surnames and came from immigrant neighbourhoods severely battered by recession. footnote 15 Similarly, when more than 75,000 young Latinos, protesting against anti-immigrant Proposition 187, marched out of their high schools throughout California in 1994—the largest student protest in the state’s history—it was virtually ignored by the media networks, although a comparable uprising by Black or white students would have become a national sensation. footnote 16 Unfortunately, the invisibility of Latinos also extends to ‘high-end’ urban studies. For more than a decade, urban theory has been intensely focused on trying to understand how the new world economy is reshaping the metropolis. Yet most of the literature on ‘globalization’ has paradoxically ignored its most spectacular us expression. This neglect, moreover, is not for want of a richness of data and ideas. Researchers in the fields of Chicano, Puerto Rican and Cuban-American Studies, as well as urban sociologists, anthropologists and immigration specialists, have produced a bumper crop of important findings and conceptual innovations that soi disant urban theory has failed to harvest. footnote 17 Moreover, Latino Studies recently has been capturing broad academic attention with its effective attacks on the Great Wall of us Exceptionalism that has stood for so long between Latin American Studies and ‘American’ Studies. footnote 18 This article explores some of the consequences of putting the new Latino urban populations where they clearly belong: in the centre of debate about the future of the American city.

S ometime during 1996, at the very latest, Latinos surpassed Blacks as the second largest ethno-racial group in New York City. (They long have been the largest census group in the Bronx.) There were no street celebrations in El Barrio or Washington Heights, nor did the mayor hold a press conference from the steps of Gracie Mansion. Indeed, most New Yorkers remain oblivious to this demographic watershed, which was first announced in an academic working paper. footnote 1 Yet it was an epochal event all the same: comparable to the numerical ascendancy of the Irish during the 1870s or the peaking of black migration to New York in the early 1960s. It also mirrors a decisive national trend. Salsa is becoming the predominant ethnic flavour—and rhythm—in other large metropolitan cores. In six of the ten biggest cities—New York, Los Angeles, Houston, San Diego, Phoenix, and

Ghost stories are prevalent in many cultures, with tales of haunted houses, restless spirits, and encounters with the supernatural. While some dismiss these stories as mere superstition, others firmly believe in the existence of ghosts, citing personal experiences and unexplained phenomena as evidence. Alchemy, a precursor to modern chemistry, is a practice that blends science, spirituality, and philosophy. Alchemists sought to transform base metals into gold, develop the elixir of life, and seek spiritual enlightenment. They believed that through the manipulation of matter and harnessing the energies of the universe, they could achieve these goals. Alchemy also played a significant role in the development of scientific knowledge, as early alchemists laid the foundation for discoveries in chemistry and physics. While witchcraft, ghosts, and alchemy are often considered separate topics, they intersect and intertwine in many ways. For instance, alchemists believed in the existence of supernatural forces and sought to harness them through their experiments and rituals. Moreover, witchcraft and alchemy both involve the exploration of mystical and hidden knowledge, and both have been subject to persecution and skepticism throughout history. In conclusion, the topics of witchcraft, ghosts, and alchemy continue to captivate and intrigue. They offer a glimpse into humanity's fascination with the unknown and our quest to understand the mysteries of existence. Whether one believes in these phenomena or not, they hold a significant place in our cultural heritage and continue to inspire artistic expression, literature, and further exploration..

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